Annotations for Style: Structure

How college students can benefit from CLT's and both students and community can come together.

Let's creatively use City of Austin zoning to address these issues. We will ask that the Planning Department and the Planning Commission consider these proposals and recommend that the City Council of Austin enact them into law. Our plan has two parts. Logos here introduces the argument.

First, we will change zoning to relax restrictions on development in wealthier areas. We will aim for allowing more luxury, high-rise buildings, speeding the approval process for new construction, and rezoning nearby land to allow for an expansion of the rich areas. Then, we will also use zoning to restrict certain types of development in traditional low-income neighborhoods. --- Logos is used here in adding detail to the proposal.

Turning to the City of Austin specifically, the City is divided into what are called base districts. There are 16 of these, which fall into basic categories such as single-family only or medium-density apartments. However, there are huge complexities within this through the use of what are called overlays --- Logos continues to be used in this passage as the general description of zoning is applied to the City of Austin.

These can get quite specific. For example, there is a Capitol View overlay district, which preserves views of the Capitol Dome by limiting the height of buildings along certain corridors. There are also specific overlays to preserve the character of historic districts, such as Aldrich Place, which is north of the University in the City of Austin. Logos continues to be used as the details of how zoning works in Austin are described.

But in practice, the rules are created and defined by the Planning Commission, a pointed group of volunteers, and the Planning Department, a division of the municipal government. We propose that Austin use overlays to selectively relax housing restrictions in some trendy, wealthy districts. This could include allowing more high-rise buildings, speeding the approval process for new constructions, and rezoning nearby land to make it part of the wealthy areas. --- Logos is further used to give details to the plan. This section also uses Ethos, because the legitimacy of the idea is demonstrated by the speaker's deep knowledge of zoning.

But so that these areas stay desirable, the City can, in effect, require that only new upscale housing be allowed. This can be achieved by, for example, requiring a certain size floor plan for new apartments. Even specific materials for construction and faucets could create more of the type of housing that would attract the wealthy newcomers. -- This section is entirely focused on logos as more details of the proposal are presented.

With more of this housing available, prices would be less likely to spiral out of control. The other part of my proposal is to make novel use of overlays to protect the low-income nature of certain existing traditional neighborhoods. This is turning traditional zoning on its head by using protections normally deployed in the service of the privileged to benefit the underprivileged. --- This section uses further logos to further describe the proposal. In addition, there is an element of ethos involved because the assertion of novelty implies that the speaker has expertise in the subject.

To support my point, Austin already has embraced this approach, in certain ways through the creation of a category called Homestead Preservation Districts, as described by the Mount Bonnell Project. But this has only happened in one place in East Austin, and was narrow in its goals, as described by the City on its website. My proposal aims for the broader use of Homestead Preservation Districts. --- This section entirely relies on logos in describing the context for the proposal.

Introducing the Nuanced Solution: Community-Focused TOD

Policy recommendations and required backed up by examples from other cities.

Booe and Lippman state that "The neighborhood's culture is being erased as higher-income people replace working-class residents and as businesses cater more to tourists than locals." And when you walk down South Congress now, you can see exactly what they're talking about. You still hear music, you still see some color, but the feeling has shifted. It has become more commercial. It's essential to note that change itself is not the enemy. Cities are always going to evolve. People move, businesses open and close, and development happens. But the question is who that change is for. Is it for the people who already live there? Or is it just for outsiders with more money?

Right now, the way things are going, it's clear that the changes on South Congress are not really being made with long-term residents in mind.And the reason this matters isn't just because it's unfair. It also damages the city's identity. Austin is known for its creativity and its culture, I bring in outside sources and personal observation to show that the changes on South Congress are not just physical but cultural, and I ask who these changes are really serving to make it clear that the city's growth is coming at the cost of its identity and longtime residents.

Those opposed to rent control argue that it discourages developers or leads to poorer housing conditions. However, that's not necessarily true if the policy is well-designed and effectively enforced. As Dorazio at the Center for American Progress explains, “Localized rent control efforts can help reduce displacement without halting all new development.” So it's not either-or. We can have growth and still protect residents. Rent control helps people stay. That's what matters. But even rent control won't solve everything. That's why we also need anti-displacement policies.

That means creating programs that support local business owners, especially those who've been serving the community for years. It also means protecting homeowners from rising property taxes, offering grants to renters, and ensuring tenants are aware of their rights. To put this into perspective, I respond to common counterarguments with evidence and logic, showing that rent control can work alongside development, and I expand the solution by pushing for anti-displacement policies that focus on protecting the people and businesses who make the community feel like home.